Crazy Bozos can't be allowed to prevail
Richard Eskow
Campaign for America's Future
Our
long national nightmare is over – for the moment. Congress has
adjourned for summer recess after a session that can safely be described
as “historic,” both for its historic lack of accomplishment and the historically low regard in which it is now held by the public.
But let’s be
clear: This shameful record is not an example of “government failure.”
It is a demonstration of what happens when people who are opposed to
government, for reasons of both ideology and self-interest, are given
positions of power within it and do not face a sufficiently eloquent and
well-organized opposition.
Doing nothing is not a bug for Republicans in Congress. It is a feature.
They appear to
be evolving from a rhetorically extreme but ultimately self-interested
body – a phenomenon that is disturbing in its moral implications but at
least somewhat predictable in its behavior – into something else
altogether: a rhetorically extreme group that actually believes its
rhetoric.
Sooner or later that will force the GOP’s Democratic opponents to confront the question: What do they believe in, and what will they do to achieve it?
Across the Borderline
Traces of the
Republican Right’s steely determination are easily found, in everything
from its xenophobic treatment of refugee children to the austerity
policies that continue to wrack our economy. They have even begun to mythologize this destructive endeavor, telling the story of their own obstructionism as if it were a noble and historic battle.
Consider the
tragic scuttling of the House leadership’s border bill – itself
essentially a symbolic gesture – by the ultra-right Cruz wing of the
party. That failure left Republicans comically imploring the President
to do something about the border crisis “without the need for
congressional action” – while at the same time preparing to sue him for
taking other actions without congressional approval.
This
much-remarked madness illustrates the actions of a party that lacks both
a moral and a cognitive compass. But that doesn’t mean Republicans
aren’t on a winning streak of sorts anyway.
The immigration failure was the crowning non-achievement of the closing congressional session, and we’re told
that it was birthed one night in Sen. Ted Cruz’s office over “We, The
Pizza; Starburst; Skittles; Shiner Bock beer; Yuengling; white wine; and
three selections of Dr. Pepper.”
(Which
Republican was the closet elitist who ordered white wine? And what kind
was it – a dry choice like a Chardonnay to go with the pizza, or perhaps
a Riesling to complement the sugary fruitiness of the Skittles?
Inquiring minds want to know.)
There was to be
none of this “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses
yearning to breathe free” nonsense for this crowd. Their mission was to
shut down even House Speaker John Boehner’s circumscribed funding for
the effort they insisted on calling “Obama’s amnesty.”
As symbolism for
the Republican right, it doesn’t get much more concise than this
profound statement of ungenerosity. Children in need, hungry and
endangered and far from home, should evoke sympathetic reactions in a
kind and generous people. By rejecting these kids – and attempting to
punish President Obama for acts of common decency – we learn who the
Republicans are, not just in their policies but in their souls.
Crazy Is as Crazy Does
But then,
they’ve pretty much told us that themselves. The House’s far-right
Republicans – which is to say, a large chunk of them – is blocking a
bipartisan proposal to honor and congratulate Pope Francis on his
election. These sorts of resolutions have always been uncontroversial in
Congress – Catholics vote, after all – but they’re having none of it.
Instead, an unnamed Republican official told The Hill that the Pope is “too liberal” for them.
If they say that about the Pope, can you imagine what they’d say about Jesus (who, if memory serves, was a child refugee himself)?
Their rhetoric is truly frightening, as the writers who follow it can attest. Terrance Heath
goes spelunking in the dark caves of the human spirit so the rest of us
don’t have to. In Congress’ last week alone, Heath found that Boehner
called Sen. Harry Reid’s immigration plan “nutso”; Rep. Steve Stockman
suggesting that Obama was using the border crisis to push his “Third
World view”; and Rep. Michele Bachmann hinting that the president might
conduct medical experiments on border children.
And that’s just a sampler.
But when it
comes to influencing policy, they’re not as crazy as they look. They’re
once again shifting the nation rightward, despite widespread public
disapproval of their positions. (See PopulistMajority.org for more on the public’s views.) And that shift applies to both the tone of the debate and the substance of the policy.
There’s the
petty obstructionism that manifests itself in the prevention of sensible
deeds, large and small. That’s what led Senate Republicans to
filibuster the “Bring Jobs Home Act,”
for example, a bill that would end tax breaks for shipping U.S. jobs
overseas and replace them with tax breaks for creating jobs here.
The GOP
routinely prevents a number of common-sense acts like these – acts that
until recently would have enjoyed at least some support from members
both parties – from getting passed. It’s tragic that these everyday
obstructions continue to take place.
A Choice, For a Change?
But the right’s
real winning streak, and therefore its opponents’ challenge, lies in its
continued ability to shift the public conversation away from the
deep-seated, systemic issues we still face. Most Democrats, whether out
of discouragement or calculation, aren’t proposing the kinds of bold and
transformative initiatives the country still needs – in jobs,
infrastructure, trade, workplace rights, wages, economic equality, and
other areas. (There are some notable exceptions to this rule.)
The upward transfer of wealth has cost the average American household $7,400 since the year 2000. Low-wage women still bear a terrible financial and job burden, as Jiao (Kitty) Lan observes. Job growth is still anemic, as millions still struggle with joblessness. Students are still burdened with debt. The highway-bill fiasco demonstrates the ongoing toll taken by austerity’s ongoing grip on our politics.
And yet
countless liberals still talk about how “crazy” the Republicans are,
which raises the question: If they’re so crazy, why are they doing so
well? They may even be poised to win the Senate in November. Republicans
have learned to lose battles in a way that elevates their political
arguments. Where are the equally bold Democratic statements of
principle?
Sure, the
Republicans in Congress would shoot down those bold progressive
policies. But they shoot down the timid ones, too. At least voters would
finally have a clear choice between two competing ideologies. The
polling shows clearly that, given a choice like that, they’d reject the
right.
Say what you
will about the extremist Republicans, but they know what they believe in
and they’ve found a way to fight for it – despite the unpopularity of
their views. That raises a challenge for Democrats: Will they finally
offer a clear and unashamedly progressive alternative, one that’s smart
both politically and as policy? Given the role money currently plays in
our political system, the answer’s likely to be: not until an organized
and independent progressive movement demands it.
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