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Wednesday, June 3, 2026

How does Trump keep losing? Let's count the ways.

 

A woman walks outside The John F. Kennedy Memorial Center For The Performing Arts, Monday, Feb. 2, 2026 in Washington. (AP Photo/Rahmat Gul)
Attribution: AP - A woman walks outside The John F. Kennedy Memorial Center For The Performing Arts, Monday, Feb. 2, in Washington. Looks like Trump is going to have to take his name off the wall.
 
Judges tell Trump to get bent in not one, not two, not three, but four different cases 

Last week did not really end on a high note for President Donald Trump. No, we’re not talking about his Freedom 250 concert falling to pieces, though that is indeed hilarious to watch. 

Instead, it’s that as the rest of the country was gearing up for the weekend, lower court judges spent Friday telling Trump to get bent in not one, not two, not three, but four different cases. 

In the space of just a few hours, Trump was told that he couldn’t start funding his $1.7 billion slush fund for cronies and treason enthusiasts. Then, a different judge ruled he had to explain exactly how the deal for that little slush fund came about in the first place. 

A cartoon by Drew Sheneman of Trump holding bags of money.
Attribution: Drew Sheneman/Tribune Content Agency
Cartoon by Drew Sheneman

Another judge said the administration couldn’t just waive a magic wand and drop pending criminal charges against some of his most seditious followers who helped with his Jan. 6 insurrection without any justification as to why. Finally, yet another judge told him his name was coming off the Kennedy Center, and he didn’t get to close and renovate it either. 

You get exactly one guess as to which of these Trump is angriest about.

No, it wasn’t the ruling by U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema enjoining the administration from transferring any taxpayer money to set up Trump’s “Anti-Weaponization Fund,” considering any claims for money from the fund, or disbursing any money. That one came in a case filed by plaintiffs who actually were victims of weaponization by the Justice Department—Trump’s Justice Department, that is. 

A former federal prosecutor fired because he had worked on Jan. 6 cases, a law professor prosecuted for protesting ICE, the city of New Haven, the National Abortion Federation, and watchdog group Common Cause all sued to block the fund. Judge Brinkema’s decision freezes everything until after a hearing on June 12 and orders the administration to respond to the plaintiffs’ veritable laundry list of ways in which this thing is completely illegal. 


Related | Show us the tariff money, and 35 judges can’t be wrong


It also isn’t the ruling by Judge Kathleen Williams on a motion from 35 retired federal judges that took the longest of shots and asked the court to reopen the case that led to the collusive $1.7 billion weaponization fund settlement. Williams, who had overseen Trump’s lawsuit against the IRS demanding $10 billion for his tax returns being leaked during his own previous administration, had ordered the parties to explain how, exactly, this was a real lawsuit when Trump was on both sides. 

Knowing that was impossible, Trump then dropped his fake lawsuit while simultaneously negotiating the fake settlement for the treason slush fund, a settlement that the parties made sure Judge Williams never saw before closing the case. 

Williams’ order requires the plaintiffs—that’s Trump and the Trump Organization run by his large adult sons—to respond to the motion. Now, they get to explain how they are actually adverse and didn’t just collude on a fake lawsuit to get a fake settlement and then deceive the court when dismissing the case, all of which adds up to perpetrating fraud on the court. 

It’s a neat trick that the order applies only to the plaintiffs—Trump and his family business as ostensible private parties. The DOJ can’t swoop in and save this and insist to the court that it is the prerogative of the president to set up slush funds for treason buddies, because that would just underscore how the whole thing was a sham from the start. Have fun with that, Trump and family. 

Trump also doesn’t seem visibly bothered by U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta’s order that requires the government to say something more than just that it is in the “public interest” to drop Jan. 6-related charges against Stewart Rhodes and some Oath Keeper pals. Can’t wait to find out how we are all benefiting from violent insurrectionists walking free, as the founders intended. 

No, what Trump spent the weekend howling about was U.S. District Judge Christopher Cooper’s decision saying his name had to come off the Kennedy Center and that he couldn’t take it over as another one of his horrible construction projects. According to his Truth Social screeds, Judge Cooper’s wife was somehow responsible for his loss here, and also the Kennedy Center is “rusted, rotted, and rat and bug-infested” and too unsafe to be inside unless Trump could close it down and add marble armrests. 

Interior Secretary Doug Burgum speaks with a reporter outside the West Wing of the White House, Thursday, April 10, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)
Attribution: AP - Interior Secretary Doug Burgum is happy to shill for Trump.

Trump even sent ]feckless Interior Secretary Doug Burgum to do the Sunday shows to talk about the Kennedy Center, with Burgum saying that no, they are not going to take Trump’s name off the building despite the court order because they might appeal and also because “I think, you know, there’s controversy on both sides of this about that ruling.” 

That is kind of how court cases work? Real court cases, we mean. Not ones where the president takes both sides just to give taxpayer money to his rabid followers. 

Saturday, May 30, 2026

IRAN WAR: “Trump's"Art of the Deal” is, in this case, an “Art of the Retreat”

Opinion by Anne McElvoy
 
'Epic Fury' has turned into 'Epic Debacle'

Donald Trump’s war in Iran began with a bang – literally, in the case of an all-out assault in February in tandem with Israeli intelligence, which hit its first target by killing Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. It has, however, puttered out into what looks like an imminent deal for extending the current uneasy truce into a normal 60-day cessation of hostilities.

But it hasn’t pleased US defence hawks, who hoped that the mission would destroy the mullahs’ grip on the regime, along with the country’s efforts at nuclear enrichment and its illicit missile-development programme. Nor does it guarantee a durable solution to the dispute over the economically vital Strait of Hormuz, which has highlighted Tehran’s ability to threaten global shipping routes.

Neither the White House nor Tehran wants to appear in a hurry to sign up, though both have good reason to. Iran has signaled a readiness to extend the ceasefire because lifting the blockade on its ports and allowing sanctions waivers relieves an economic chokepoint on the regime, allowing it to export oil and improve its budget deficit.

The mutual benefit is that it eases pressure on the international energy market (to the relief of governments like the UK’s, desperate to constrain future price increases). Yet it also means the US is now bargaining with Tehran to stop the war it started. That is a long way from the “Epic Fury” promises of curtailing the regional hegemon’s power.

The famous “art of the deal” is, in this case, an “art of the retreat” proposition.

Trump will never say publicly that it has not worked out as the degradation of Iranian offensive power he intended. But as his former national security adviser John Bolton told me a couple of weeks ago, Trump “wholly lacked a strategy” to get out of the war. The result of opening the Strait of Hormuz on the extended truce terms is that “They [Iran] will believe they can turn the strait on and off like a light switch.”

Looking at it from Trump’s perspective, the fact that the war aims and exit strategy were so nebulous has enabled him to make a single-handed pivot, and possibly a deal that Tehran can accept – for now. Hostilities have cost (by Pentagon assessments) $29bn (£22bn), and, with a hefty knock-on cost to consumers in the rise in petrol prices, and only five months until midterm elections in November, the president has been looking for an off-ramp for some weeks.

Around 60 per cent of Americans now oppose continuing the fighting, which shows a weakening of the president’s ability to bring the Maga base behind him in this conflict (Getty)

Around 60 per cent of Americans now oppose continuing the fighting, which shows a weakening of the president’s ability to bring the Maga base behind him in this conflict. That is a weakness he needs to close before the midterm test. Divisions between traditional Republicans and Maga weaken his chances of fending off Democrat hopes that they can retake both the House and, more significantly, the Senate, tying Trump’s hands in many legislative areas.

One other aggrieved party to note is Israel: the proposed “memorandum of understanding” appears to have excluded it – with the right-leaning Times of Israel reporting today that there are “fears that threats Netanyahu has long described as ‘existential’ will not be adequately addressed”. It constrains Israel from carrying out operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon, which is welcome from a humanitarian aspect, but highlights that the aim of disabling the Iranian proxy militia has been sidelined.

So the president has essentially chosen US interests over Israeli ones – possibly because he bristles at the idea that he was talked into the war in great part by Benjamin Netanyahu, but also because “America First”, the neat encapsulation of his worldview, means that the effects of crises at home are always far more important to him than maintaining a consistent foreign and security policy.

On the upside, a truce, once observed for a set amount of time, can be indefinitely extended, and that brings peace at a price of US pride. A less rosy scenario is that Iran has seen that pressuring shipping routes has brought its mighty assailant back to a deal, with the backing of most Gulf states. Most of the problems remain unresolved: a deal here is a long way indeed from a victory.

 

Anne McElvoy is an executive editor at Politico and host of the podcast ‘Politics at Sam and Anne’s’

The Independent is the world’s most free-thinking news brand, providing global news, commentary and analysis for the independently-minded. We have grown a huge, global readership of independently minded individuals, who value our trusted voice and commitment to positive change. Our mission, making change happen, has never been as important as it is today.

Thursday, May 28, 2026

BOYCOTT CBS: ’60 Minutes’ journalist loses job for doing her job

The CBS Broadcast Center on 57th Street in New York City on April 20, 2023.
 
Attribution: AP - The CBS Broadcast Center on 57th Street in New York City on April 20, 2023. 
 
(Gazette Blog editor's note: 'CBS Sunday Morning' fans should keep a wary eye out for any evidence of content tampering by ownership.) 

Trump lackey owners trade their integrity to obtain favorable acquisition deal

Sharyn Alfonsi’s time as a “60 Minutes” correspondent is done after she reportedly butted heads with executives when CBS News pulled her story on the notorious CECOT prison.

The message could not be clearer: my time at 60 Minutes is apparently over,” Alfonsi said in a statement obtained by Puck News

“Over the weekend, my contract with CBS News expired, drawing to a close nearly twenty years with the network, including more than a decade at 60 Minutes,” she wrote. 

Sharyn Alfonsi attends the CBS 2019 upfront at The Plaza on Wednesday, May 15, 2019, in New York.
Attribution: APSharyn Alfonsi attends the CBS 2019 upfront at The Plaza on Wednesday, May 15, 2019, in New York.

Alfonsi said that her representative was met with “absolute silence” from network executives when it came time to renew her contract just six months after an “intense editorial dispute” over a story she produced detailing how U.S. immigration officials sent over 200 Venezuelan men to a prison in El Salvador without due process. 

During their time at the prison, many of the men experienced some kind of physical, mental, or even sexual abuse, and some of them shared their stories with Daily Kos.

In a December email sent to colleagues, the seasoned journalist called out the “political” decision by CBS News chief Bari Weiss to pull the piece right before it was set to air. 

Many journalists and “60 Minutes” alums told Daily Kos at the time that Weiss’ reasoning—in which she claimed the report wasn’t ready and was missing key interviews—lacked some crucial context

Namely, they said that any editorial content goes through multiple checks and Weiss has the opportunity to interject before reaching the final air date. 

The piece accidentally aired in Canada and quickly circulated online, with the final version—including comments from the Trump administration—airing a month later. 

But the state of “60 Minutes,” a show that has historically operated independently from the CBS network, is shaky.

“The wall between editorial independence and corporate interest at CBS is being methodically torn down,” Alfonsi continued in her statement. “Journalists willing to challenge authority are being pushed aside in favor of those who will not. If this continues, the result will be a broadcast that looks like 60 Minutes but lacks the courage and character to produce journalism that matters.”

A source close to “60 Minutes” previously confirmed this to Daily Kos, explaining that employees—who are navigating an already unsteady journalism job market—are now afraid to speak out.

The December dustup was followed by a big shakeup at CBS News

Related | CBS journalists are terrified of MAGA-friendly management


Weiss has conducted multiple rounds of layoffs while shutting down CBS News Radio and “World News Roundup,” one of the longest-running news shows.

Journalists who disagreed with the moves left the network and were replaced with heavily scrutinized talent. Others, who quietly disagreed, were offered buyout packages by Weiss. 

Journalists who remain at CBS have received a clear message about who is in control. 

“This was not a routine corporate transition; it was a deliberate choice to penalize a journalist for refusing to sanitize factually accurate reporting, and it sends a chilling message to the entire newsroom,” Alfonsi wrote.

“I’ve learned exactly what it costs to hold the line right now. Hold it anyway,” she said to those still at the network. “Viewers and the people who trust us with their stories deserve nothing less.”

Tuesday, May 26, 2026

It’s a ballroom … it’s a bunker … it’s a ‘drone port' with a magic roof...

President Donald Trump tours Ballroom construction around the outside the White House, Tuesday, May 19, 2026, in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin) Attribution: AP - President Donald Trump tours construction of his ballroom on May 19.

TRUMP: "...and drones are what's happening right now."

Sunday, May 24, 2026

Trump’s Jan. 6 slush fund is worse than you think

FILE - Insurrectionists loyal to President Donald Trump try to break through a police barrier, Wednesday, Jan. 6, 2021, at the Capitol in Washington. (AP Photo/Julio Cortez, File)Attribution: AP - Insurrectionists loyal to President Donald Trump try to break through a police barrier, Jan. 6, 2021, at the Capitol in Washington.

"A blatant transfer of your tax dollars to the pockets of Jan. 6 insurrectionists and Trump pals"

Well, it happened. President Donald Trump really did drop his $10 billion lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service to instead “settle” for  $1.776 billion (ugh) to go to Jan. 6 insurrectionists and whoever else might just have a vibe that former President Joe Biden was mean to them. 

As part of this sham, Trump is also dropping his $230 million demand for how sad he was over the Mar-a-Lago documents case, a thing that resulted in no consequences for Trump whatsoever. Trump, his sons, and his family business will not receive money from the settlement, but they do get an apology.

It’s absurd that this arrangement purports to settle Trump’s claims. There is no world where Trump’s lawsuit against the IRS over the leak of his tax returns by an IRS contractor is somehow resolved by a $1.7 billion settlement going to entirely different people for entirely different things. That’s just not how lawsuits work.

The Department of Justice is calling this an “Anti-Weaponization Fund” and issued a slender little two-pager that does not at all specify who will get this money or how much money they will get. The only requirement, it seems, is that someone alleges they suffered “weaponization and lawfare.”


THREE DATES THAT WILL LIVE IN INFAMY
 
Attribution: Clay Bennett/Tribune Content Agency 
Cartoon by Clay Bennett

The attorney general gets to appoint the five people who will oversee the slush fund, though one has to be chosen “in consultation with Congressional leadership.” That’s a very weaselly way of saying the administration will only be checking in with Republicans, since they currently control both houses.

Trump can remove anyone he wants for any reason, but the replacement “must be chosen the same way as the replaced member was selected.” On the surface, that sounds like some sort of meaningful restriction on Trump until you remember that the DOJ is nothing but Trump’s puppet and personal law firm these days, so any replacement tapped by the attorney general will no doubt be Trump’s pick. 

So, it’s going to be cronies managing the money, but it gets worse. There’s a neat little provision in the agreement that absolves the cronies of all responsibility or consequences, no matter what they do with all this government money. After taxpayer funds are deposited in the slush fund account, “the United States has no liability whatsoever for the protection or safeguarding of those funds, regardless of bank failure, fraudulent transfers, or any other fraud or misuse of the funds.”

So, the money goes into a fund controlled by Trump stooges, and then, if they do some fraud or if any of the recipients were paid out based on fraudulent claims, the government is not responsible and won’t try to get it back.

Moreover, there’s no evidence that there will even be any sort of reporting requirement for those administering the fund to explain what was disbursed and to whom.

Former President Donald Trump, followed by his attorney Todd Blanche, walks to speak to reporters following the day's proceedings in his trial, Tuesday, May 7, 2024, in New York.  (Win McNamee/Pool Photo via AP)
Attribution: AP - Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche has always been right behind Trump.

According to Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, however, this is a totally normal thing the government does. The DOJ’s press release and the settlement agreement both mention the Obama-era settlement in the Keepseagle v. Vilsack matter, calling it “legal precedent” for this slush fund. Seriously?

The Keepseagle fund was set up in 2011 to resolve a lawsuit where Native American farmers sued the government, alleging longtime, systemic discrimination by the Department of Agriculture in the distribution and servicing of farm loans from 1981 to 1999. The settlement was for $760 million, or less than one-half of Trump’s little slush fund. 

The settlement capped most claims at $50,000, provided up to $12,500 to the IRS on the claimant’s behalf, and forgave USDA loan debt. Farmers who provided additional documentation of damages could receive up to $250,000 and forgiveness of farm debt. Out of 3,601 eligible claimants, 3,587 were paid $50,000, with only 14 farmers eligible for the higher payout.  

Moreover, the Keepseagle settlement resolved a case that had been going on since 1999, ran 52 pages, and was required to be approved by the court. 

Blanche also smugly explained why the slush fund for Trump is much better than the Keepseagle settlement; any money not claimed by treasonweasels goes back to the government, where in Keepseagle, “the remaining money—which ended up being over $300 million—was distributed to the entities that had not even submitted claims.”

Blanche failed to mention that such an arrangement, known as cy pres, is a longstanding feature of class action settlements, where any money left over after all claimants have been paid can be distributed to nonprofit organizations that directly support the class of claimants. In Keepseagle, $38 million went to nonprofits supporting Native American farmers via a grant-making process, while $266 million went to a trust to fund programs supporting Native farmers for the next 20 years.

Blanche also failed to mention that the move was implicitly approved by the Supreme Court when it refused to hear an appeal over the cy pres distribution. 

Similarly, the settlement in Pigford v. Glickman over discrimination against Black farmers was reached only after nearly two years of litigation and, as with Keepseagle, was approved by the court. Class members had to show the USDA discriminated against them by denying loans or providing less favorable terms than those to white farmers. Those claims were also largely capped at $50,000, and over 20,000 claimants received a portion of the $1.01 billion in the settlement. 

A second lawsuit, known as Pigford  II, was resolved in 2010 for $1.25 billion, with Congress passing the Claims Resolution Act by unanimous consent to appropriate $1.15 billion of the funds. 


Related | DOJ smashes the piggy bank for Trump and his cronies


The Trump Slush Fund is nothing like these settlements. It doesn’t resolve any longstanding litigation. It won’t be approved by a court. There are no restrictions on who can receive money or caps on how much they can get. It massively dwarfs the few million dollars here and there that Trump’s DOJ has showered on Trump cronies and insurrectionists thus far. 

This is nothing but a transfer of your tax dollars to the pockets of Jan. 6 insurrectionists and Trump pals, simply because Trump demanded it. 

It’s getting really tiresome to say that this is not how government works, but this is really, really not how government works. 

Trump is systematically destroying our country.

Saturday, May 23, 2026

Super El Nino Forming in Pacific Ocean Will Have Devastating Global Consequences


Droughts, heat waves, wildfires in some regions, water supply concerns, flooding rainfall in others 

Story by Thomas Nelson

Secret Life Of Mom  

NOAA’s Climate Prediction Center has issued an El Niño Watch, with El Niño now likely to emerge soon, an 82% chance during the May-July 2026 window, and continue through Northern Hemisphere winter 2026-27, with a 96% probability through December through February. A 96% probability of an event persisting through winter is, as meteorologists put it, a near lock.

NOAA’s previous April advisory had placed a 61% probability on El Niño forming between May and July, with a 1-in-4 chance of a very strong event. Both figures have since been revised upward based on a growing pool of warm water building in the depths of the central and eastern equatorial Pacific, which forecasters expect to rise to the surface and fuel El Niño’s development. The pace at which these estimates are climbing is itself significant. In most developing El Niño events, the models converge slowly and cautiously. What is happening now is the opposite.

Michelle L’Heureux, a physical scientist at NOAA’s Climate Prediction Center, put it plainly in an ABC News report: “There is a 2-in-3 chance of a ‘strong’ or ‘very strong’ El Niño during the November 2026 to January 2027 season,” while acknowledging there remains a 1-in-3 chance of an event weaker than that. Scientists are being careful not to overstate what remains genuinely uncertain. But a 2-in-3 probability of a strong or very strong event is not uncertainty that resolves quietly. NOAA also noted that stronger El Niño events can only make certain impacts more likely; they do not guarantee strong impacts in every region. That caveat matters, and it is worth holding. Predictions based on a handful of historical super El Niños carry real statistical limits.

Why This One Is Different From Every Previous Event

The effects of El Niño will “be amplified considerably by the now nearly 1.5°C of global warming experienced as of 2026,” according to Daniel Swain, a climate scientist at the University of California, Los Angeles. “In modern human history,” he said, “we’ve never experienced a strong or very strong El Niño event amid pre-existing conditions that were this warm globally.”

That framing is important. Every previous super El Niño unfolded against a cooler baseline. The 1997-98 event, which remains the most destructive El Niño in modern memory by most measures, occurred in a world roughly 0.5 degrees Celsius cooler than the one we are in now. A previous El Niño helped drive average global temperatures in 2024 to a record 1.55 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels. The world that produced that record is the world today’s El Niño is building on top of.

A more likely near-term impact is global heat: El Niño is loading the dice toward 2026 or 2027 becoming Earth’s warmest year on record. NOAA has already called it “very likely” that 2026 will be one of the five warmest on record, and that assessment does not yet account for El Niño’s warming contribution. 

The climate system is being asked to absorb two warming forces at once: the long-term human-caused trend and the short-term ocean heat dump that El Niño delivers. During an extreme El Niño event, an additional 0.2°C can be added to the average global temperature on top of already elevated readings from warming, which means global average temperatures could potentially exceed 1.7°C above pre-industrial levels this year.

Fire, Flood, and the Regions Most at Risk

Droughts and heat waves can flourish in some regions under El Niño, fueling wildfire danger and water supply concerns, while others are swamped by flooding rainfall. The geography of who gets what is not random; certain regions have consistent El Niño signatures that repeat across events. But the intensity and duration of those effects is harder to predict, and this year’s elevated baseline makes the historical playbook less reliable than it used to be.

The wildfire picture is one of the more alarming dimensions of what is coming. A super El Niño “against the backdrop of elevated baseline temperatures could increase the risk of widespread or unusually intense fires in normally damp regions where such fires are not common,” Swain has warned, pointing specifically to the Amazon and parts of Oceania, where peatlands “can burn for months on end.” Peatland fires are not like forest fires. They smolder underground and release enormous quantities of carbon into the atmosphere long after surface flames are extinguished.

The United States is already in a precarious position heading into this event. Drought in the continental United States has expanded to its record-highest level for spring, with varying levels of drought covering 62.78% of the country as of late April, the worst of it centered on much of the South, West, and Plains. Dryness in the Lower 48 states has not been this expansive in spring in the entire history of the U.S. Drought Monitor, which holds data back to 2000. El Niño arriving into already parched conditions is not the same as El Niño arriving into normal spring moisture. The soil has no reserve. The vegetation is already dry.

Globally, the numbers are stark even before El Niño’s peak arrives. Record-breaking heat and drought have fueled the world’s worst ever start to a wildfire year, with more than 150 million hectares burned in just the first four months of 2026, according to satellite estimates from the Global Wildfire Information System, a joint initiative of the GEO and Copernicus programs. That is an area nearly the size of Alaska and roughly double the seasonal average for this period.

When the Event Fades, the Damage May Not

The dimension of the developing El Niño that climate scientists find most disturbing is not necessarily what happens during the event. It is what happens after.

A December 2025 study published in Nature Communications found that abrupt and persistent transitions between stable states in the climate system, what researchers call climate regime transitions, pose serious threats to ecosystems and human well-being, and that the likelihood of these transitions increases substantially during super El Niño events due to their remarkable climate perturbations. 

In plain terms: the climate in some regions does not simply snap back to where it was before the event. It arrives somewhere new, and it stays there. 

In all three super El Niños on record alongside climate model projections, the researchers found that events of this intensity increase the likelihood of these abrupt, lasting changes in temperature, sea surface conditions, and soil moisture that can endure for years or even decades. The researchers also concluded that this destabilizing effect on climate states will be greatly amplified under future greenhouse warming, with the central North Pacific, the Gulf of Mexico, East Africa, the Amazon, central Australia, and the Maritime Continent around Indonesia likely to be worst affected.

The implication is that the effects of a 2026 super El Niño may not simply reverse when Pacific temperatures cool again; some changes could lock in. One specific historical example: after the 2015-16 super El Niño, the Gulf of Mexico reached a new sustained level of warmth that may have contributed to stronger hurricanes along the Gulf Coast in the following years. That is what a lasting climate transition looks like in practice: not a dramatic collapse, but a floor that quietly rises and does not come back down.

The Honest Limits of What Anyone Can Know Right Now

There is a version of El Niño coverage that converts probability into certainty, and it is worth resisting. With only three super El Niños on record, the foundations of predictions about what this one will do are shaky at best. “Scientists who are basing their conclusions on what is likely to happen this time, based on a small sample of past events, should not have as much confidence,” warned Paul Roundy, professor of atmospheric science at the University at Albany, noting the uncertainty about whether we are heading for supercharged global warming for the next decade or an enhanced period of just a year or so.

The World Meteorological Organization echoed that caution in its latest Global Seasonal Climate Outlook, saying “a key source of uncertainty is related to the potential intensity and duration of the El Niño event,” and acknowledging that “while some model forecasts indicate the possibility of stronger conditions later in the year, there is currently no consensus or sufficient confidence to confirm or exclude a high-intensity event.” The forecasting community is not hiding uncertainty here. They are flagging it clearly. What they are not doing is pretending the signal is not real.

While forecasters are more confident in El Niño forming, “there is still substantial uncertainty in the peak strength of El Niño,” the Climate Prediction Center has stated. The odds of a Super El Niño between November and January have increased from a 1-in-4 chance last month to about a 1-in-3 chance in the latest strength probabilities. Those numbers will continue to change. The models will be updated as the ocean-atmosphere coupling either syncs up or fails to through the summer months.

What This Means for You

The question of how to hold a statistic like “82% probability of El Niño by July” in a normal, practical life is a real one. It does not translate into a specific action on a specific Thursday. It does translate into paying more attention than usual to a few things.

Food prices are one of them. El Niño’s disruption of rainfall and heat patterns in agricultural regions has a documented track record of pushing up commodity prices, grain, coffee, cocoa, palm oil, sometimes sharply and sometimes with a several-month lag. Research shows that El Niño events have been linked to crop failures, increased wildfire risk, increased flood risk, heightened concurrent drought frequency, disruptions to fisheries, and higher disease risk in various regions of the world. Those links run eventually through grocery shelves.

Fire season preparedness is another. If you live in the western United States, the Southern Plains, the Southeast, or anywhere that was already dry heading into spring, the combination of record drought and an intensifying El Niño makes the period from now through late summer worth paying attention to. Climate scientist Swain has stated plainly that “it would not be surprising to see some unprecedented global impacts by later in 2026 into 2027 in terms of flood, drought, and wildfire-related extremes,” and that “either 2026 or 2027, or both, stand a good chance of setting a new global temperature record, yet again.”

And then there is the longer arc. The regime-transition research suggests that even when El Niño itself is over, the world it leaves behind may be measurably different from the one it found. Some of those changes will be incremental and hard to notice. Some will not be.

What We’re Actually Watching

The fact that scientists are being careful with their language right now is not a sign that things might be fine. Careful language is what science looks like when the evidence is strong enough to take seriously but the sample size is small enough to stay honest. Both things are true here.

As Wilfran Moufouma Okia, Chief of Climate Prediction at the World Meteorological Organization, put it: “After a period of neutral conditions at the start of the year, climate models are now strongly aligned, and there is high confidence in the onset of El Niño, followed by further intensification in the months that follow.” That is a measured sentence from a careful organization, and it does not contain any ambiguity about direction.

What makes this moment genuinely new is not the El Niño itself. Natural climate cycles have been running their course for as long as the ocean has had weather. What is new is the world it is arriving into: one where the atmosphere is warmer, the soil in large parts of the country is already at record dryness, the wildfire season has already had its worst start on record, and the buffer between “bad year” and “unprecedented year” has been eaten away by a decade and a half of rising baselines. The machinery is the same. The conditions it is operating in are not.

The Signal Is Real

You do not need to follow the Niño 3.4 monitoring region on a daily basis to feel what is coming. But it is worth knowing that this is not a weather story. It is a compounding story: an already-hot planet, record drought in the ground, a wildfire season off to its worst start in history, and now a major Pacific warming event arriving faster than forecasters expected just two months ago.

The scientists most closely watching this are being honest about what they do not know, and that honesty is worth taking seriously. They are not certain this will be a record-breaking super El Niño. They are not certain which regions will bear the worst of it or for how long. 

What they are saying, clearly and in measurable terms, is that the direction of this is not in question, only the magnitude. And magnitude, in this case, is the difference between a bad year and one that leaves a permanent mark on the systems we all depend on, from food supplies to coastlines to the dry hillsides behind towns that have never burned before.

You do not need to do anything differently on the strength of a weather forecast. But if the summer turns unusually hot, the fires start earlier and burn further, or the winter brings flooding in places that do not expect it, you will know some of the reason why. 

The ocean has been trying to tell us something. The models are finally saying it out loud.



The post Super El Niño 2026: What It Means for Global Weather appeared first on Secret Life Of Mom.

Tuesday, May 19, 2026

Trump's greatest grift yet gives your money to convicted Jan. 6 rioters

About to become America's newest millionaire? 

Jaw-Dropping Details of Trump’s $1.7B MAGA Slush Fund Exposed

Story by Tom Latchem
May 19, 2026 

The Treasury’s most senior lawyer has dramatically quit, just hours after the Trump administration unveiled a vast $1.776 billion fund to enrich Jan.6 rioters and other MAGA loyalists.

Brian Morrissey, the department’s general counsel, stepped down a mere seven months after his Senate confirmation, three sources aware of his decision told the New York Times.

His abrupt departure came on the same day that acting Attorney General Todd Blanche announced the so-called “Anti-Weaponization Fund.”

The vast payout pot, set up by the Justice Department, was created to settle Donald Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit against the IRS over the leaking of his tax returns during his first term in the White House.

Trump dropped his original lawsuit on Monday after a judge cast doubt on the basic legality of a sitting president filing suit against a department he himself runs.

The Treasury, which now has to deposit the eye-watering sum into an account controlled by a five-member commission hand-picked by Blanche, declined to explain Morrissey’s exit.

A spokesman told the Times: “Mr. Morrissey has served the United States Treasury with both honor and integrity. We wish him all the best in his next endeavors.”

The fund is designed to compensate people who claim they were wrongly targeted by the Biden administration’s Justice Department. The pool could include the roughly 1,600 people charged over the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.

Criticism has been widespread and visceral. Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon branded the deal the “most brazen theft and abuse of taxpayer dollars by any president in American history.”

Maryland Democrat Jamie Raskin, 63, called it “pure fraud and highway robbery,” while nearly 100 House Democrats filed an amicus brief seeking to block the settlement. The Beast also reported Monday that recipients of the payouts—and the sums they pocket—will be kept hidden from the public.

Morrissey used his resignation letter to thank Trump, 79, and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, 63, for the chance to serve, two sources who reviewed the note told the paper.

Blanche, Trump’s former personal lawyer, will appoint every member of the commission and retain the power to remove any of them without cause.

Trump himself denied any role in setting up the deal during a White House healthcare cost event Monday, insisting the arrangement had been “very well received.”

Morrissey, a former Sidley Austin partner who once clerked for Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, a Bush appointee, has not spoken publicly about his exit.

The Daily Beast has contacted the Treasury Department, the White House, the Justice Department, and Brian Morrissey for comment.

This man must be stopped, and it will only happen if we all get involved on every level we can.  He is not just destroying our country.  He is destroying the world.