They need to buy boats, not votes
By Leo Gerard
Campaign for America's Future
In
the olden days, buying votes was a risky business. That’s not because
the purchaser faced felony charges. No, the real peril was that the guy
bribing voters wouldn’t get what he wanted.
The process was
too indirect. The man with “walking around money” would tell voters what
he wanted them to do in exchange for a few beers or bucks. But
Americans, being the contrarians they are, could cast their secret
ballots for the exact opposite candidates, then accept the booze anyway,
thank you very much.
These days,
there’s a much more direct process. One percenters and corporations can
secretly buy politicians. Using front groups, the wealthy can “donate”
unlimited millions to elect a candidate and remain completely anonymous.
So the public won’t know that the senator pushing for smiley faces to
be printed on cigarette cartons instead of health warnings received $50
million in ads paid for by the tobacco industry.
Several news
stories last week illustrated exactly how this threat to democracy,
sanctioned by the gang of right-wingers on the Supreme Court in the Citizens United case, plays out. The most jaw-dropping is the case of former Republican Utah state attorney general John Swallow,
who used shadowy nonprofit organizations to conceal hundreds of
thousands of dollars in donations from the vilest industry in America –
payday lenders.
In exchange for
the money, Swallow promised to use the office of attorney general to
champion payday lenders, the flim-flam men who exploit and bankrupt the
poor with short-term loans at exorbitant interest rates.
Swallow made bald promises to this despised industry. In one letter to a Tennessee payday executive, he wrote,
“I look forward to being in a position to help the industry as an AG
[attorney general] following the 2012 elections.” In another, he pledged
to ward off regulation by the new federal Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau by organizing a posse of other right-wing attorneys general.
Swallow knew,
however, a payday lenders’ water boy would disgust voters. So he and his
associates shrouded the payday lender donations with a bunch of “social
welfare” nonprofits, which don’t have to report who contributes, the New York Times reported last week.
The scam
disintegrated when the Internal Revenue Service began investigating one
of the shady nonprofit groups that contributed to Swallow. Other
inquiries followed, and Swallow resigned after less than a year in
office.
Swallow’s payday
lender benefactors didn’t lose their investment so quickly in another
case, however. They bought ads vilifying Utah state representative Brad
Daw, who had pushed for legislation that would have barred payday
companies from loaning money to people already deeply in debt. After the
payday lender-sponsored attacks, Brad Daw, a four-term lawmaker, lost
his primary. Payday regulation defeated!
Payday lenders,
justifiably, don’t enjoy high public approval ratings. Yet, thanks to
the right-wingers on the U.S. Supreme Court, they can circumvent
democracy with boundless cash and get candidates elected or rejected.
What the
right-wing justices ruled in the Citizens United case is that government
can’t limit the amount of money corporations spend to get a candidate
elected, as long as they don’t hand the money directly to the candidate.
New Jersey Gov.
Chris Christie, the Republican of Bridge-Gate infamy, provides an
example of how badly this sort of purchased politics plays out for
citizens. In 2009, hedge fund manager Paul Singer donated $100,000, not to Christie, but to the Republican Governors Association. The Association, in turn, aired ads for then-candidate Christie.
At the time, The Nation magazine reported last week,
Christie was blasting the Democratic gubernatorial incumbent for what
Christie asserted was unethical investment of public employee retiree
money on Wall Street, where risk and fees are higher and returns are
lower than with traditional conservative investments such as U.S.
Treasury notes.
Christie won and
almost immediately after taking office began investing New Jersey
public employee retiree money on Wall Street, with, of course, Paul
Singer’s hedge fund. A former trustee for another state retirement
system estimated for The Nation magazine that Singer’s fund collected
$8.6 million in fees from the New Jersey investments – for one year,
2013. That year, Singer gave $1.2 million to the Republican Governors
Association, which by then Christie chaired.
That’s good for
Christie, a potential presidential candidate, of course. The same can’t
be said for New Jersey workers and retirees. With an unusually large
portion of the state retiree money in the hands of hedge funds by 2013,
New Jersey’s return, at 11.79 percent, was significantly lower than the
median return on pensions that year of 16.1 percent.
The right-wingers on the Supreme Court are expected to rule any day in another case, McCutcheon, that would further empower the wealthy to buy the political process.
Right now,
there’s a limit on the aggregate amount a person or corporation can
contribute directly to candidates during a two-year election cycle. The
right-wing justices are expected to eliminate that cap.
It’s $123,200. The average American doesn’t make that much money in two years.
So, it’s no
wonder that politicians don’t do what average Americans want.
Significant majorities of average Americans think Congress should raise
the minimum wage, extend unemployment insurance, lower income inequality
and provide a path to citizenship for immigrants. But these are not the
priorities of the 1 percent or of corporations. And, naturally, they
are not the priorities of the politicians who owe their victories to
buckets of cash from the 1 percent and corporations.
The rich can buy
more of everything. More food. More cars. More houses. More vacations.
More boats. But for a democracy to function properly, they should be
forbidden from buying more votes.
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